Excellencies, distinguished colleagues, ladies and gentlemen,

It is a great pleasure to be with you today in Manama. This region—with its vast resources—has shaped global energy dynamics for decades. It is a particularly fitting place to reflect on our topic (the evolving geopolitics of energy).

Allow me to share a few remarks and lessons learned from a Central European perspective.

For many years, mainstream thinking on the continent treated energy as a mere market commodity. That view no longer holds. Since 2022, Europe has undergone a profound awakening to the nexus between energy and security.

Yielding to its neo-imperialist impulses, the Russian regime revealed its true nature. It weaponized nearly everything in an increasingly open hybrid war against Europe. Energy was among its first instruments of choice, exploiting our deep structural dependence on Russian supplies.

Political optimism, strategic short-sightedness, economic interests, and persistent Russian lobbying—reinforced by energy infrastructure connections—placed Europe in a position of vulnerability. We became energy hostages. Russia turned our pipelines into chains.

But every form of dependency can be overcome, provided it is recognized as such. Of course, it requires resolve and sacrifice. On the day two of Russia’s invasion in February 2022, my government began work on cutting us free from Russian energy imports.

In oil, we broke our reliance on the Druzhba pipeline. We financed the reinforcement of the Transalpine pipeline (known as TAL). It now delivers up to 8 million tons of crude oil annually to Czechia from the Italian port of Trieste. Since TAL completion earlier this year, we have not imported a single drop of Russian oil.

We applied the same approach to natural gas. At the beginning of 2023, we ended our 98% dependence on Russian deliveries. We joined the investors in the first post-invasion LNG regasification terminal in Eemshaven(Netherlands). It has since transferred approximately 16 billion cubic meters of LNG into the European gas network. One third of this amount was US LNG for Czechia. Today, our reliance on Russian gas is near zero.

We are also diversifying nuclear fuel supplies for our Soviet-designed VVER reactors at the Temelín and Dukovany power plants. A few months ago, we received our first deliveries from Westinghouse. In parallel, we are exploring other reliable suppliers, including France, to secure our needs. Western companies exited this business in the 1990s, leaving the field to Russia under the assumption that it would remain a reliable partner. 

Why do I share these stories? Because the Czech experience offers a case study in how a landlocked country can overcome geographic constraints and transform its energy mix in response to geopolitical risks.

Unfortunately, some EU member states have yet to cut themselves off from Russian oil and gas. Otherwise, they continue to weaken all of us. That is why we welcome President Trump’s push to reduce fossil fuel imports from Russia into Europe.

Hungary and Slovakia point to geography as a constraint. But that argument does not hold. We managed and showed the way. Being landlocked does not mean being confined and without options. Budapest and Bratislava have credible alternatives to Russian supplies.

Croatia has offered Hungary oil via the Adria pipeline. Prime Minister Orbán points to technical issues. Perhaps—but they can be solved. We faced challenges with the TAL pipeline. Other shareholders were initially hesitant to scale up capacity, so we invested in upgrading the pipeline, retrofitting pumps and infrastructure.

As for Slovakia, it is connected to all its neighbors, with gas flowing from Austria, Czechia, Hungary, Poland, and Ukraine. From our side, I can confirm that Czech gas infrastructure has sufficient capacity to meet Slovakia’s needs.

My message to those who continue to rely on Russian energy is clear: You have an alternative. Moscow is not a reliable partner. In the end, you will pay far more than you appear to save now.

Beyond our immediate neighborhood, the Czech experience offers also the following lessons for the broader international community:

1. Diversification is essential. Relying on a single supplier—especially one willing to weaponize energy—is an unacceptable risk.
2. Strategic infrastructure matters. Investments in pipelines, terminals, and interconnectors are not just economic—they are strategic assets that shape national security.
3. Solidarity is strength. The EU’s coordinated response to the energy crisis demonstrated the power of unity. Together, we secured supplies, stabilized markets, supported vulnerable populations, and pushed back against Russia. In this context, I want to highlight the recently adopted 19th EU sanctions package, which targets the energy sector—particularly liquefied natural gas (LNG).

Let me conclude by stressing that Moscow’s weaponization of energy is not just a European problem. A destabilized world is not in the Middle East’s interest. Therefore, a more coordinated approach among global energy players—many of whom are gathered here in Manama—is needed. We all understand the Middle East’s leverage over global energy prices. Please keep in mind: the less Russia earns from oil, the harder it becomes for the Kremlin to sustain its war machine.

Without security, there is no prosperity. Europe and the Middle East should build an energy partnership based on stability, investment, and predictability — not pressure.

Thank you for your attention.

You can find the recording of the speech here.