Dear Director Dostál,

Ladies and gentlemen,

Let me sincerely thank you for the invitation to this now traditional conference on Czech Eastern Policy.

We find ourselves in the middle of the parliamentary election campaign. I spend most of these days on the streets distributing pre-election newspapers and leaflets. Even so, I felt it was very important to accept the invitation to speak at this event.

I see today’s speech as a unique opportunity to present my own view on why it is essential that Czech Eastern Policy be above all value-based, with an emphasis on pushing back Russian influence from the region. At the same time, I see it as a moment to present in a comprehensive form how, under the leadership of the outgoing government, Czechia has practically transformed its Eastern Policy in the era of renewed Russian imperialism.

I also want to highlight the important activities Czechia has been involved in. These efforts are helping to boost the resilience of countries in Eastern Europe. At the same time, Prague is becoming a center of support for opposition forces from undemocratic regimes.

The Eastern Partnership

In recent years, Czech Eastern Policy has largely been shaped by the EU’s Eastern Partnership concept. It was, in fact, the Czech EU Presidency in 2009 that promoted this concept within the EU. For a long time, the activities in the Eastern Partnership were seen as complementary to the EU enlargement process. Today, Ukraine and Moldova, on their path to joining the EU, benefit from everything achieved through this framework.

But today, a full-scale war is raging in Europe. It is clear that this concept is no longer enough. It doesn’t provide the answers we need for Eastern Europe.

The Eastern Partnership had two major problems. First, it was an economic concept, not a political one. It assumed that Ukraine would peacefully integrate into the EU’s economic sphere. Russia was to remain only an observer. Second, the EU depended on Russian oil and gas. This made the EU reliant on Russia’s goodwill. Before the war in 2022, some Western European allies thought it was possible to manage Russia while also supporting Ukraine. But that was a mistake.

Russian Imperialism

Russia’s war against Ukraine aims to stop Ukraine from joining the EU and NATO. The war also serves as a warning to other countries in the region. It tells them to reconsider their European ambitions.

Sweden and Finland understood this quickly. They joined NATO because they realized that neutrality no longer works. Ukraine is fighting this war with the goal of joining the EU and NATO. Moldova also seeks EU membership. Other countries in the region are reassessing their goals. For example, Armenia and Azerbaijan now want to break free from Russia’s influence. Belarus remains closely tied to Russia, while Georgia is slowly sliding back into Russia’s orbit. The different paths taken by the six Eastern Partnership countries show clearly that this concept is no longer relevant.

We are living in an era of Russian imperialism. And our Eastern Policy must reflect this. It must be based on values. We can no longer have a colourless geographical concept, or a policy “towards all four corners of the world.” Values are also why all major regional formats in Central Europe have found themselves in crisis. Especially the V4. In the face of the Russian threat, we are unable to find a shared perspective on the geopolitical future of our region.

 

 

Czech Eastern Policy

So, what should be the goal of Czech Eastern Policy?

I offer a clear answer.

The goal of our Eastern Policy is to support the values of democracy, freedom, and closer ties with the EU and NATO. The vision is full membership for those nations whose people have European aspirations. At the same time, our goal must be to build a defense against Russian imperialism.

Putin fears NATO and the EU. It is not just because of our combined military and economic power. Above all, he fears that our values, prosperity, and way of life are so attractive. He does not want Ukrainians to have the freedom to live as they choose. Many educated Russians and Belarusians, if given freedom, would choose the West over Russian authoritarianism. Putin fears that his regime would collapse if Ukraine became a free and prosperous state on Russia’s borders. Such a comparison would be fatal for him.

And what can Czechia do to help fulfill these goals?

For Ukraine and Moldova, the EU enlargement process is crucial. Czechia plays a constructive role as an advocate for this process within the EU. Beyond that, we actively assist our partners by sharing our experiences, especially in areas like public administration reform, fighting corruption, and building the rule of law.

It is also vital that we support the values of freedom, democracy, and human rights in the region. Where possible, we help build independent journalism, support civil society institutions, and strengthen anti-corruption measures.Where this is not possible, we resort to tools supporting human rights defenders. Thanks to these efforts, Prague has become a center for Russian, Belarusian, and Georgian opposition. Key programs like TRANS and Civil Society play an important role in this.

 

 

During the shaping of our foreign policy, I placed a strong emphasis on security. A significant contribution of this government is the adoption of the sanctions law. Together with the non-profit sector, we have targeted those responsible for flagrant violations of human rights. Judges, prosecutors, security enforcers, and prison directors, including in Russia and, more recently, in Georgia. Many of our proposals have gained broad support within the EU. We have also diversified our energy sources. This has protected us from external pressures, including Russian energy blackmail.

Today, we cannot be bullied anymore. This allows us to focus more on the positive aspects of our Eastern Policy and on supporting stabilization, transformation, and democratization processes in the region.

Ukraine

Finally, let me speak a little more about Ukraine, which occupies a special place in current Czech Eastern Policy.

Ukraine has our full support in its fight against Russian aggression—humanitarian, political, and military. It would be wrong to think of support for Ukraine as just a cost. It is an investment that will return many times over. In terms of security, reputation, politics, and economics.

Exports to Ukraine have been growing rapidly since 2022. In 2024, their total value reached 45 billion Czech crowns, making Ukraine the 18^th largest export market for Czech goods. In comparison, exports to Russia in 2024 were worth 14.8 billion Czech crowns just a third of what we send to Ukraine.

This growing trade between Czechia and Ukraine is an excellent foundation for Czech companies and investors. As Ukraine moves closer to European integration, the opportunities for Czech businesses will multiply. Our support for Ukraine has also given us a strong reputation there. Czech companies can build on this with help from our diplomacy.

Ukraine’s EU membership is a vital strategic interest for Czechia. It will bring more than just economic and trade benefits. It will make the stability in Eastern Europe much stronger. Provide security guarantees for Ukraine. And allow full integration into one of Europe’s largest markets.

For these reasons, our diplomacy is pushing for the fastest possible progress in Ukraine’s EU accession talks. At the same time, we remain focused on ensuring that Ukraine meets the necessary conditions for membership.

It is essential not to waste these new opportunities. And we are not wasting them. Since 2023, we have been running a reconstruction program for Ukraine. It involves Czech experts, NGOs, universities, and companies in Ukraine’s recovery. We are continuing the Ukraine Program from 2026 to 2030. Czechia has also secured funding from the EU’s Ukraine Facility for two programs that will support Czech companies in rebuilding hospitals and critical infrastructure in Ukraine. A key step forward is the recent opening of our new office in Dnipro.

We also have promising opportunities for security cooperation. Ukraine now has the most experienced and capable army in Europe, with direct combat experience against Russia. Sharing these experiences will benefit our collective security. That is why we support Ukraine's integration into Euro-Atlantic structures, as soon as the necessary criteria are met.

One thing is clear. Russia’s plan to destroy Ukraine is just the beginning of its ambitions in Europe. No matter when peace is reached in Ukraine, Putinism will remain the main threat to European security. This is the reality we must deal with today and in the future.

Conclusion

For the first time since the collapse of the Eastern Bloc, Czechia finds itself in a situation where our economic, geopolitical, and value-based interests in this region fully match. In this era of geopolitical competition shaped by Russian imperialism, Czech Eastern Policy must be built on democratic values. We must stay focused on security and welcome the European aspirations of people who want to live in freedom, democracy, and peace.

That is—and must be—our Eastern Policy.